Letter

  • Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law Online
  • December 2025,
  • 53
  • (4)
  • 465;
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.29158/JAAPL.250075-25

Editor:

I read with interest the article by Guina and colleagues1 on neurodevelopmental disorders (NDs) and criminal responsibility. Although the authors deserve credit for drawing attention to this intersection, I have two concerns regarding their framing of insanity and their reliance on dated violence-risk statistics.

First, the article emphasizes not guilty by reason of insanity (NGRI) as the primary legal frame for considering NDs. In capital and serious violent crime contexts, however, the critical role of ND evidence is rarely in establishing insanity. Instead, it is in mitigation, particularly following Atkins v. Virginia,2 Hall v. Florida,3 and the developmental reasoning that influenced Roper v. Simmons.4 These cases recognize that intellectual disability and developmental immaturity constrain culpability, regardless of an “insanity” determination. Conflating neurodevelopmental impairment with insanity, whether in the legal, clinical, or colloquial sense, perpetuates the misconception that only those deemed “insane” warrant protection. In reality, the brain of an alleged capital murderer is, by functional definition, abnormal. But this abnormality may fall short of any qualitative diagnostic label while still remaining highly relevant to sentencing and proportionality.

Secondly, Guina et al.1 cite early 1990s work suggesting that men with intellectual disability (ID) are five times, and women 25 times, more likely to commit violent crime than counterparts without ID. These figures are misleading when presented without context. More recent large-scale registry studies from the United Kingdom,5,6 Denmark,7 Sweden,8,,10 and Australia11,12 show far lower relative risks, often attenuating entirely once comorbid psychiatric illness, trauma history, and socioeconomic adversity are considered. Today, the consensus is that intellectual disability and autism spectrum disorder, in the absence of such comorbidities, do not independently predict violent or sexual offending and, in some analyses, may even be protective.2,,4 Repeating inflated risk estimates from small, outdated cohorts risks stigmatizing individuals with NDs and misinforming courts and the public.

In nearly every capital case I have reviewed, neurodevelopmental evidence has been salient in psychosocial histories as well as structural and functional neuroimaging, not because defendants meet criteria for legal insanity, but because immaturity,13 intellectual deficits, or trauma-related dysfunction bear directly on culpability. Forensic psychiatry’s responsibility is to make these distinctions clear: neurodevelopmental impairment matters, but it is not synonymous with insanity. Likewise, risk assessment must be grounded in current evidence, acknowledging the mediating roles of comorbidity and context.

Clarifying distinctions between neurodevelopment and insanity and presenting modern, nuanced risk data will improve the accuracy of psychiatric testimony, strengthen credibility in legal settings, and reduce stigma by better aligning science, law, and public understanding. We need not wait for a more objective and comprehensive diagnostic framework in psychiatry before initiating these changes within our expert work.

Footnotes

  • Disclosures of financial or other potential conflicts of interest: None.

References

  1. 1.
    GuinaJHernandezCWitherellJ. Neurodevelopmental disorders, criminality, and criminal responsibility. J Am Acad Psychiatry Law. 2022 Sep; 50(3):35868
  2. 2.
    Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002)
  3. 3.
    Hall v. Florida, 572 U.S. 701 (2014)
  4. 4.
    Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005)
  5. 5.
    FazelSXenitidisKPowellJ. The prevalence of intellectual disabilities among 12 000 prisoners—A systematic review. Int’l J L & Psychiatry. 2008; 31(4):36973
  6. 6.
    BlackmoreCEWoodhouseELGillanN. Adults with autism spectrum disorder and the criminal justice system: An investigation of prevalence of contact with the criminal justice system, risk factors and sex differences in a specialist assessment service. Autism. 2022; 26(8):2098107
  7. 7.
    MouridsenSERichBIsagerTNedergaardNJ. Pervasive developmental disorders and criminal behaviour: A case control study. Int’l J Offender Therapy & Comp Criminology. 2008; 52(2):196205
  8. 8.
    HeeramunRMagnussonCGumpertCH. Autism and convictions for violent crimes: Population-based cohort study in Sweden. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2017; 56(6):4917.e2
  9. 9.
    EdbergHChenQAndinéP. Crimes and sentences in individuals with intellectual disability in a forensic psychiatric context: A register-based study. Epidemiol Psychiatr Sci. 2022; 31:e2
  10. 10.
    LundströmSForsmanMLarssonH. Childhood neurodevelopmental disorders and violent criminality: A sibling control study. J Autism Dev Disord. 2014; 44(11):270716
  11. 11.
    FogdenBCThomasSDMDaffernMOgloffJRP. Crime and victimisation in people with intellectual disability: A case linkage study. BMC Psychiatry. 2016; 16:170
  12. 12.
    BaldryEClarenceMDowseLTrollorJ. Reducing vulnerability to harm in adults with cognitive disabilities in the Australian criminal justice system. Policy Practice Intel Disabi. 2013; 10(3):2229
  13. 13.
    GurRC. Development of brain behavior integration systems related to criminal culpability from childhood to young adulthood: Does it stop at 18 years? J Pediatr Neuropsychol. 2021; 7(1-2):5565
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